The recent attempts to pacify the eastern DRC in a series of conference endorsed by the AU and UN and brokered by President Uhuru Kenyatta negotiated a political solution aimed at an afrocentrism and ‘African solutions to African problems’ paradigms has been an arena for blame games and feelings of isolation. In the recent Mini-Summit on Peace and Security in Eastern Region of DRC held in Luanda on the 23rd of November 2022, under the regional peace and security architecture: International Conference of the Great Lakes (ICGL), several demands were put forth. As expressed through the communique, the consultation asserted the laying down of weapons and initiation of unconditional repatriation of FDLR-FOCA, RED-TABARA, ADF, and other armed groups operating on Congolese territory by November 30th 2022. It further resolved the withdrawal of M23 rebel group from the occupied territories in North Kivu and cessation of hostilities towards FARD and MONUSCO from 25th November 2022. There has currently been no sign of disarmament or repatriation of FDLR forces and on the other hand the M23 group refutes the call to withdraw from occupied territories. Eastern part of DRC is reported to have around 140 armed groups. A condition that has been explained by several premises. A vast country with few passable roads that has left regions on the periphery of the country away from the capital isolated and deprived of state control; yielding anarchy and lack of provision of basic services. Large mineral reserves left unprotected by a weak state permitting foreign armies to perch. Over 200 tribes with artificial boundaries lay claims and counter-claims over land and resources. A minimally-policed country with dense vegetation providing safe haven for foreign armed groups to launch attacks against their home countries. Furthermore, a country that has the most neglected displacement crisis in the world. When Tshisekedi became president in 2019, the relationship between Rwanda and the DRC seemed to be on the mend. The president of the two states met for the first time at a sideline event of the AU summits in 2019 and later President Tshisekedi visited Rwanda twice. Both states showed genuine interest in mending their frosty relationship when military and intelligence chiefs from both camps held bilateral meetings in Kinshasa and Kigali respectively, the two states committed to “coordinate and cooperate in the fight against common security threats”. The entry of DRC in the East African Community (EAC) in April this year not only ignited hope for market expansion and further integration but it was hailed by many as a game-changer in healing the east of the country that has been wrecked by violence for years. Its entry into the regional community was projected to increase the bloc’s GDP from $193 billion to $240 billion, an equivalent of 24% hike. In Addition, this move will grow the consumer market from 177 to 266 million people. The diplomatic tif between Rwanda and Congo is compromising the nascent gains of regional integration. The repeated failed political settlements have immense ramifications on the lives of many civilians particularly women and children. Anti-Rwandan, anti-Rwandophone and often anti-tutsi sentiments are on the rise. This year. hateful and divisive speeches were doing rounds on social media and some government officials have resorted to racial incitement against Rwandans. Videos have been shared on the internet of men sharpening machetes and spewing anti-Rwandan and anti-tutsi sentiments with so much zeal. While a machete might seem like mere tool, to Rwandans particularly the Tutsi, it evokes a symbol of Hutu power and intentions to exterminate the Tutsis and it was the primary tool used to kill them. The M23 attacks have been instrumentalized to justify genocidal ideals and mediatised hate speech that Rwandans particularly Tutsis are well familiar with. With the polarisation, preparation and discrimination happening, one cannot help but invoke Dr. Stanton’s tens stages of an impending genocide in DRC. The focus on political talks and settlements is overshadowing social and economic realities of civilians living in crisis areas. The lack of inclusion and legitimacy have led to a protracted conflict and failure of negotiations. Women’s voices and perspectives have been seemingly absent in the diplomatic talks The skirmishes have led to massive violation of human rights: forced displacement, humanitarian crisis, pyschological damage from protracted conflicts and women face extreme acts of sexual violence and rape. This heightens the urgency of a different approach to peace. Mr. Desire Yamuremye, a security expert posits that, “For a conflict to be transformed into full peace, there must be economic progress that is seen to be open to all. Social peace is more important than a politically-negotiated settlement. The absence of war does not necessarily mean peace”. Social Peace is attained when the masses have a stark two-way relationship with the state and with members of other community groups. It is a means to better manage divergent interests and needs so one does not feel compelled to resort to violence in order to protect their rights. Peace processes in the continent have been facing bottle necks because the lack of social peace creates an opportune environment for the multiplicity of regional and international actors to push their own interests and putting those of the victim they supposedly represented to the back burner. Experts from the Principle of peace partnership initiative have emphasized that political settlement to conflict in the region and the continent have been undeniably failed because “politicians are eager to portion their percentage in government, but they do not often translate into socio-economic improvement of the masses.” Social peace is materialised in the following ways: understanding the historic and current drivers of community conflict and engaging in dialogue; analysing local conflicts, with a specific focus on analysing community tensions and responding before tensions escalate into violence; building local action plans that identify development needs and aspirations of local residents – and which, through that process, nurture community relationships – focusing on activities known as social peace actions that work across different identity groups; developing a communication plan that conveys positive messages of community cooperation to a wide range of audiences and that challenge the prevailing conflict and/or divisive narratives and establishing relationships and structures that support a robust crisis management mechanism, and promoting the adoption of new habits for addressing conflict through dialogue, collaboration and inclusion that include marginalised groups such as women and youth.
