In the previous article in this serialized column, we saw how the Belgian trusteeship administration took sides during Rwanda’s party activities of the late 1950s and early 1960s. It favoured sectarian parties openly and campaigned for them while it sidelined those that were nationalistic and stood against sectarianism. More is to come that will show how consequences of this unfolded. ALSO READ: Rwanda’s first multiparty politics reflected divisions of late colonial period The UNAR party faced opposition from the trusteeship administration. PARMEHUTU on the other hand enjoyed its support and that of the Catholic church. At first the party was known around Kabyayi and Rwaza Catholic missions. René Lemarchand, the French-American political scientist, voiced the support given to PARMEHUTU to minimize its weaknesses. Lemarchand pointed out that the party was weak and ineffective, hence unable to organize from the grassroots. Its main support was around Gitarama and Kabyayi. The main asset of the Hutu leadership was unconditional support received from the Catholic church. ALSO READ: A glance at socio-political chaos that followed Rudahigwa’s sudden death It enabled them to control the daily newspaper called Temps nouveaux d’Afrique, which was published in Bujumbura (Burundi). It helped the Hutu elite to spread of their ideas among Europeans and literate Africans. Gregoire Kayibanda related with a lot of associations that had good relations with the Catholic church. He majored in spreading PARMEHUTU slogans and messages. There was ethnic and political violence in November 1959. The trusteeship administration could no longer get on with native administrative assistants and the royal court along campaigns. Political parties used abusive language against opponents, who were regarded as enemies. The situation took an explosive turn as UNAR faced off with other political parties. Young UNAR militants opposed PARMEHUTU aggressively. An example is given where Dominique Mbonyumutwa, a prominent PARMEHUTU member who became the first president of Rwanda, was aggressed at Byimana (in today’s Ruhango District). Rumours of his death circulated. Hutus began the hunt for Tutsis in central and northwestern Rwanda. There was a countermove by UNAR members in the south of the country. ALSO READ: Mutara III Rudahigwa became Belgian choice after Musinga’s disgrace In the course of the violence, the Belgian administration was absent on the ground. They justified their absence citing low numbers of military personnel. It was widely regarded that Belgian officials favoured disorder. The Belgian administration’s support for Hutu leaders increased when Col Guy Logiest arrived in Rwanda in November 1959. He took command of Belgo-Congolese troops. He was to later take over the leadership of Rwanda as a special resident answerable to the colonial office, and not the governor-general of Congo-Belge, Rwanda-Urundi. He had all the power and he could use that as he wished. His actions paved the way for PARMEHUTU to ascend to power. Logiest is said to have declared former president Habyarimana on July 5, 1982 as a “God-given man”. Colonel Logiest made a political agenda to be followed in preparation for the coming of August de Schryver, who became Belgium’s Minister of Colonies since 1960. Logiest worked with Major Louis Merliere who was chief of staff at the FP headquarters in Leopoldville (today’s Kinshasa). Merliere is said to have been well-versed in guerrilla operations and revolutionary warfare. On November 20, 1959. Logiest prepared a document on the situation on the ground. It aimed at solving issues obtaining then. The document stipulated that the monarchy, which comprised 15 per cent of the population, could not be reformed. It claimed that the majority of people wanted a democratic dispensation and constitutional monarchy. The document went further to show that UNAR had to be neutralized by fighting its armed elements, so was the king because of his symbolic value. Logiest said, “King Kigeli will always be an obstacle to the process of democratization.” In the previous articles, nowhere did we see a king for a section of Rwandans. He was the king of all Rwandans (Umwami wa rubanda). The divide and rule politics is behind this diversion of reality whose consequences we have had to live with. The next issues will expound more on how the colonialists and their surrogates continued to show their true colours.
