Is East Africa finally taking corruption seriously?

Under immense internal and external pressure, Tanzania’s president last week fired his Minister for Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development, and suspended the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, both of whom were reported to be colluding in a scam by top government officials and those of private companies in the energy sector. Not waiting to be fired was the Attorney General, who quickly handed in his resignation, accepting to fall on his own sword because it was upon his legal advice that funds amounting to 120 million dollars were transferred to an “escrow account” that served the interests of the parties in the collusion. Even in resignation, however, the AG insisted that his advice had been “misunderstood,” according to a report carried by one of the regional newspapers. What suggests that the action to fire and suspend government officials came after some arm-twisting is the continued insistence by President Jakaya Kikwete that “there was no wrongdoing by government officials,” according to the same source. Indeed, Kikwete is resisting taking full action against all the officials involved, despite continued pressure from parliament, the public, and donors. One is reminded of the scandals that were unearthed in Kenya by John Githongo, the Anti Corruption Czar in the Kibaki administration. In the book “It’s Our Turn to Eat,” Githongo details the fleecing of the public purse by that country’s elite in two major corruption scandals, Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing, in which hundreds of millions of dollars were siphoned. Thanks in part to Githongo’s whistle blowing, Kenya has since responded by instituting a new constitution that, it is hoped, makes it much more difficult to plunder public resources at such an obscene level. It may be too early to point to the specific gains of the legal and institutional changes brought forth by such a change; what is likely, however, is that its spirit has recently led to the firing of that country’s Minister for Internal Security and forced the resignation of its Inspector General of Police over negligence and incompetence, something that was unheard of in the times past. Thus, the firings in Tanzania and Kenya suggest that incompetence can take the form of the corruption of siphoning of public resources, and also the dereliction of duty, both of which call for accountability and responsibility by the officials involved. It is a sentiment that was aptly noted by Tee Ngugi, the novelist and columnist for The EastAfrican. Ngugi observed, “By requiring the highest possible performance standards from public officials, the Constitution infers resignation in cases of non-performance. Kimaiyo’s and Ole Lenku’s resignations are, therefore, a huge constitutional step forward. Let’s have more.” What Ngugi is hoping for is what is taking place in Rwanda. According to this newspaper, at least four mayors –including one “who resigned after exhibiting unbecoming conduct of a leader” – have resigned in the past three months. “We sat down and decided to step down,” said the now former mayor of Gatsibo, Ambrose Ruboneza, who resigned along with his entire team, in a change that included the District Advisory Council president. “Ours was to serve the public, but it lost meaning when we were ranked last in performance contracts.” “We lost public confidence,” Ruboneza was quoted as saying. “It was thus a wise decision for us to resign.” With different circumstances, it is unlikely that the way Rwanda handles public service management will be replicated elsewhere. However, it could serve as an inspiration in the fight against corruption and dereliction of duty. Uganda, for instance, has chosen a different path by establishing a College of Civil Service that was “prompted by the numerous loopholes in the public sector such as corruption, poor service delivery and incompetence”, according to an official involved in the setting up of the institution. While some could be joining the party belatedly, what is required in the fight against graft and official delinquency seems there for all to see. Indeed, the cases noted above suggest that only punitive action can undergird the values that place a premium on accountability in the public sphere.

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Is East Africa finally taking corruption seriously?