In 1990, while returning from school in Lukanga near the city of Butembo, I encountered an anti-Tutsi atmosphere in Goma that I had never witnessed before.

The then Zairean President Mobutu Sese Seko had dispatched several hundred troops from the elite Special Presidential Division (DSP) to assist President Juvénal Habyarimana in fighting the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).

Before crossing into Rwanda, this division began targeting Tutsi in Goma, particularly Tutsi women. Yet, no Western media outlets covered these incidents. The suffering of Tutsi women in Goma was seemingly invisible to the Western media.

Seeking respite from the hostility in Goma, I traveled to Bujumbura, hoping for a different environment. On my journey from Goma to Bukavu aboard a boat, a young man well-versed in the "Hamitic theory" spent the trip explaining that the Tutsi had no future.

He claimed their elimination would begin in Rwanda, then extend to Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and finally Uganda. His confidence in this grim prophecy revealed the extent of the anti-Tutsi sentiment spreading across the region.

Upon reaching Bujumbura, I found the anti-Tutsi sentiment even more virulent than in Zaire. Hoping for a sanctuary, I traveled to Kampala, where the atmosphere was indeed less hostile. Unlike in Goma or Bujumbura, Kampala was free of overt anti-Tutsi hostility.

I began to question the origins of this widespread hatred against the Tutsi in DR Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, and even parts of Uganda.

My search for answers led me to an enlightening article titled "Not All White People Are Bad: Racialism and Genocide of the West in Rwanda Since Colonization” by historian Privat Rutazibwa.

It became clear to me that the hatred against the Tutsi was not rooted in African traditions but was a construct of colonial Western ideology.

In 1902, the French priest Alphonse Brard wrote, "Today, the Batutsi no longer have a future; the appearance of Europeans will ruin their power everywhere.” His statement underscored a coordinated effort to dismantle Tutsi power across the region.

Similarly, in 1899, German colonial resident Richard Kandt declared, "Rouanda is a country full of hope when we could destroy the power of the Watusi.” At that time, there was no inherent hostility between the so-called Bahutu and Batutsi.

These divisive ideas were introduced and propagated by European colonizers and supported by institutions like the Roman Catholic Church.

Brard’s assertion extended beyond Rwanda, advocating for the elimination of the Batutsi across Africa. This colonial agenda gained momentum through figures like Jean-Paul Harroy, the former governor of Ruanda-Urundi.

Harroy systematically dismantled Tutsi authority in Rwanda, aided by church officials and colonial operatives like Colonel Guy Logiest. These efforts culminated in the 1959 massacres, often considered the first genocide against the Tutsi, as described by Privat Rutazibwa.

The colonial powers’ collaboration with local collaborators like Joseph Gitera further fueled this destructive agenda. Gitera’s inflammatory rhetoric equated independence with a return to Tutsi "oppression,” effectively justifying the colonizers’ continued presence and the targeting of the Tutsi.

Despite these efforts, the genocidal ambitions of colonial and post-colonial actors faced resistance. In 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the armed wing of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), put an end to the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

This marked a significant victory against the long-standing agenda to eliminate the Tutsi in the region.

However, the threat remains. Today, Tutsi communities such as the Banyamulenge in South Kivu and Tutsi in North Kivu face targeted violence. International actors like MONUSCO, the European Union, Belgium, France, the United States, and Germany have yet to take decisive action to protect these communities.

Historical precedent suggests that the Tutsi do not matter to these powers.

The Batutsi must unite to assert their right to existence, while fostering solidarity with other African communities—the Bahutu, Bahunde, Banyanga, Banande, Bashi, Bafulero, and others—to expose and dismantle the colonial myth of Hamitic versus Bantu divisions.

Only through collective action can the legacy of anti-Tutsi ideology be overcome, ensuring a future free from the shadows of hatred and division.