The previous article in this series highlighted how the trusteeship authority favoured PARMEHUTU over UNAR. Fully aware that UNAR had a strong popular base and sought independence, the colonial powers resorted to full-scale manipulations.
The trusteeship proponents labeled UNAR as a party of feudalism, accusing its members of exploiting servants and relying on corrupt chiefs and sub-chiefs to maintain power.
This narrative painted UNAR as oppressors of the masses. Meanwhile, a crackdown on RADER led to its withdrawal from the United Front on the eve of the elections, further tipping the scales.
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The 1960 local council elections
Between June 28 and July 30, 1960, local council elections were held. A total of 229 Burgomasters (Mayors) and 2,896 local councils were elected.
PARMEHUTU secured 70.4% of the seats, while voter abstention stood at approximately 21.8%.
As a result, PARMEHUTU gained control of nearly all municipalities, consolidating both political and administrative power at the local level.
Observers noted that PARMEHUTU’s dominance would have been less certain had UNAR participated. The trusteeship authority’s refusal to ensure a level playing field rendered the elections undemocratic.
On October 18, 1960, the Special Resident established a 48-member council and an interim government, dissolving the provisional special council. Grégoire Kayibanda was tasked with forming this interim government, which consisted of 21 members: 10 Europeans and 11 Rwandans.
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This arrangement faced criticism for favouring PARMEHUTU, granting it high-ranking positions. Despite the king’s opposition to the flawed electoral process, the colonial administration sidelined his authority, forcing him to leave the country in 1960.
The Gisenyi symposium
From December 7 to 14, 1960, a symposium was convened in Gisenyi, attended by six interim government representatives and 13 political party members—seven from PARMEHUTU, two each from APROSOMA, RADER, and UNAR.
The symposium aimed to organise parliamentary elections and establish structures for internal autonomy. However, the trusteeship authority retained the power to accept or disregard the outcomes.
Disagreements surfaced regarding the election date. While UNAR and RADER advocated for elections after January 15, 1961, PARMEHUTU and APROSOMA insisted on the earlier date.
Representation at the symposium also became contentious. UNAR, APROSOMA, and RADER argued for broader inclusion of smaller parties, a suggestion PARMEHUTU rejected.
Consequently, UNAR and RADER withdrew from the proceedings, which continued without their input.
The symposium resolved to establish structures for internal governance, adopt the principle of a unitary parliament, and define eligibility criteria for representation. However, it failed to address critical concerns, serving instead to solidify the trusteeship authority’s grip on Rwanda’s political landscape.
Petitions to the UN General Assembly
During the UN General Assembly’s 15th session, UNAR, RADER, and King Kigeli V submitted petitions and a memorandum demanding the trusteeship’s mandate be reassigned from Belgium to a special UN commission.
They also called for the replacement of Belgian territorial guards and paratroopers with UN peacekeepers, the abolition of King Kigeli V’s house arrest, and a general amnesty for all political prisoners.
The political struggle during Rwanda’s late colonial period reflects deep-seated divisions exacerbated by Belgian interference. This series will continue to shed light on these manipulations and their lasting impact on Rwanda’s journey to independence.