All the news surrounding President Emmanuel Macron’s recent visit to Rwanda has been almost exclusively about a reset in French relations with Rwanda. That has continued to make the headlines and fill commentaries.  The mea culpa that never was, the forgiveness that was sought but with little sign of contrition and what purpose was served still dominate discussion.

There is, however, a point of realism which many accept but some do not like - that it probably could not have been otherwise in the circumstances, at least for the moment.  It will take longer for the French to fully apologise for their role in the genocide against the Tutsi.

There was an indication of how long it might take just as President Macron was visiting. More than a century after the act, Germany finally admitted to have committed genocide against the Nam and Herero people in Namibia (then South West Africa) and apologised. They even offered to pay some form of reparations to descendants of the victims.

Rwandans, of course, hope that it does not have to take that long in this case. But it is still possible. It has already taken 27 years to get even an admission of responsibility and ask for a pardon of sorts.

The domination of the re-establishment of relations in the news was understandable in the context of the genocide. However, it eclipsed another kind of reset of a much broader French policy in Africa in general. There was a business side to President Macron’s visit that did not receive wide coverage. Yet this is no less important and actually signals France’s new approach in Africa.

There is a noticeable tilt to more business, to trade and investment, in relations with Africa. And so it is no surprise that President Macron came to Rwanda accompanied by a big delegation of top business executives to explore business ventures. The New Times reported at the time these represented diverse interests in health, transport and logistics, energy, ICT, and agriculture.

French business in Rwanda has been growing for a while, almost unnoticed and preceded the present thaw in diplomatic ties. It has been less visible perhaps because it has been happening in the shadow of the wider issues surrounding the genocide.

In 2010 French investments in Rwanda stood at $469,000 according to a January 2019 report by African Business magazine, quoting Clare Akamanzi, CEO of the Rwanda Development Board. Five years later, this had grown to $13 million. Last year, French businesses invested $6.8 million in Rwanda, according to a Rwanda TV report on the eve of Macron’s visit. The same report spoke of three big French companies setting up in Rwanda in the last three years.

We are not about to see Peugeot and Renault return and push Toyota off Rwandan roads any time soon, but we can expect to see other French brands on the market. Equally more Rwandan products can be expected on French supermarket shelves.

This investment is bound to grow in the years ahead, and it fits well into Rwanda’s business model.

The shift towards increased business is a significant move away from the policies of earlier French governments. Those sought to maintain influence over former colonies through their leaders. As long as they kept the leaders happy, the French could exercise as much influence as they wanted. The interests of ordinary Africans did not count.

Control and influence were also maintained by force. France keeps troops in several African countries to quell any threat to their protégés and interests, and so maintain leaders in power and keep the countries under their control.

Influence and control was also maintained through the French language and culture. It was always important to keep the Anglo-Saxons at bay.

The change is, of course, not out of love for Africans. It is more the result of a re-assessment of relations based on changing realities in Africa and competition from other powerful countries.

Leaders alone can no longer guarantee French influence. They have to contend with a growing population of young people in many African Francophone countries, more independent-minded and assertive, with no fond connections to France and ready to question various assumptions. They can no longer be ignored.

Similarly, relations can no longer be viewed in terms of Anglo-Saxon competition alone. The competition now includes Russia, China, India and other emerging economies. The world has changed. The old rules and strategies simply cannot apply as effectively as they once did.

And so countries, even the powerful, must adapt or be left behind and lose whatever influence they had. In the end, it is a question more of self-interest, less of pride.