The Heads of States Summit of the East African Community (EAC) partner states will take place November 23-24 in Arusha, Tanzania, according to press reports. We do not always know what is on the agenda at such meetings. This time, however, we can be certain of at least two items.
One is the change of leadership of the Summit of Heads of State. President Evarist Ndayishimiye of Burundi will hand over to President Salva Kiir of South Sudan. Analysts will tell us whether Ndayishimiye’s stewardship was positively consequential, indifferent or forgettable.
Keen observers of the regional scene might even hazard a guess about Salva Kirr’s leadership and perhaps already have a script of their verdict of his tenure. They might even question the value of rotational leadership to East Africa’s integration and perhaps propose a more practical alternative.
The other item, according to EAC Secretary General, Peter Mathuki, is the admission of Somalia to the regional body, which the summit is expected to endorse. Hearing this, although not news really, some groaned in despair. Oh no, not again, not after the experience of South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) with all their internal problems.
Others reacted differently. The integrationists, for instance, whether by ideological conviction or hard-nosed business sense, or common sense, were excited by the news of expansion of the EAC.
Non-believers in the integration gospel and cynics simply shrugged their collective shoulders and said with a chuckle or sneer: the more the merrier and the messier, but the richer and bigger the purse for some.
Whatever the different attitudes, geographical, economic and strategic imperatives make expansion of the EAC beyond the original three partner states of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania inevitable. It was easy for this trio because they had a longer history of integration under colonial rule that included a common currency, first the rupee and later the East African Shilling until 1967 (ironically the year the birth of first EAC was born), and common services.
The other countries that have since joined the EAC are also essentially East African, geographically and culturally, and were already informally integrated into the region. In addition, each brought some attractive and unique qualities to the regional body.
Rwanda, for instance, brought its discipline and focus, government effectiveness and technocratic competency and efficiency, openness and resilience.
Burundi, well, the region was already heavily involved in its political and security problems.
South Sudan was viewed as virgin territory for business. Indeed Kenyan banks were quick off the mark and quickly set up shop in Juba. Ugandan traders and transporters found lucrative business there. Consultants and experts of every sort flocked into the country.
South Sudan was already East African in another sense. Countries, particularly Uganda, were involved in its long liberation war and hosted thousands of Sudanese refugees. Kenya’s president Daniel Arap Moi brokered the comprehensive peace agreement that finally ended the war with the north and led to independence of the south.
The South Sudan elite have kept their connection with the region and have homes and businesses in Kampala and Nairobi where their children also attend school.
For the DRC, even with its myriad problems, its fabled natural wealth is always an irresistible pull and market size an important selling point. Its eastern provinces have a lot more in common with East Africa than with the rest of the country.
DRC authorities know how valuable their country is. That seems to give them a sense of entitlement to expect privileged treatment. They think that the rest should be grateful it joined the EAC.
And now, Somalia, what do they bring? Their entrepreneurial spirit that they have shown around the world, that rather than be dampened by adversity, actually seems to thrive on it. They are also bringing a strong and resilient community spirit. But not the deadly clan differences, please.
Some might argue that it is necessary to bring in troubled neighbours, the better to help them deal with their troubles. East Africa has been involved in the same troubles for a long time anyway, as hosts to refugees and business people, and with military intervention in their country.
Somalia perhaps has the largest diaspora of any other country in East Africa. There is hardly a town in the region that does not have a sizable Somali population.
If my sense is right, another item the leaders will certainly discuss is the war in eastern DRC. They will do the usual thing, of course: reiterate that the conflict can only be resolved through diplomatic and political means, and reaffirm their faith in the Luanda and Nairobi process for this.
The communique at the end of the meeting will be couched in carefully worded, ambiguous diplomatic language so as not to offend or enlighten anybody.
But I wonder. Do the leaders sometimes put aside diplomatic niceties and tell one another some plain truth? For instance, in the upcoming meeting tell DRC president Felix Tshisekedi to act grown up and face up to his responsibilities, stop looking for scapegoats and externalising his governance failures. Tell him bluntly that it is criminal and morally reprehensible to ally with genocidal forces to fight and kill your own people and destabilise your neighbours. Perhaps remind him none too gently that his primary duty is to serve and protect all Congolese without exception.
Will they rebuke another of their own for breaking the rules of EAC military engagement in the DRC and having his troops fight alongside a coalition of Congolese government forces, the genocidal FDLR, a motley collection of armed bands, and foreign mercenaries against the Congolese population?
And from such straight talking, if it happens, can we expect stronger resolve to address the region’s issues more decisively? That, of course, is every ordinary east African’s prayer. Whether and how soon that can be realised is another matter.
In the meantime, we shall welcome Somalia and celebrate the expansion of the EAC. It may bring a fresh set of problems to add to existing ones and make future summits testy affairs, but it is the right thing to do. When they are eventually resolved, the region will be the stronger for it.